Showing posts with label First Amendment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label First Amendment. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 7, 2014

Sterling and the Shrinking Scope of the Purely “Private” Sphere

“These days, the only way you can have a private conversation is to talk to yourself.”

-- “Susan_Gale” (Board of Wisdom)

Last month, BSB covered the saga of Mozilla CEO Brandon Eich, who resigned after amid a torrent of criticism for his $1000 donation in support of California’s Proposition 8, a ballot measure that sought to ban same-sex marriage. At the time, there was considerable discussion about whether public pressure should be directed at an individual like Eich purely on account of his political beliefs.

More recently, a similar firestorm erupted in the National Basketball Association, as Donald Sterling, the octogenarian owner of the Los Angeles Clippers, was recorded making deeply racist comments. The recording was captured by one of Sterling’s associates, V. Stiviano, who later gave it to a third party for “safe keeping” only to have the contents leaked to TMZ.

Recent reports indicate that the recording was made with consent from both Sterling and Stiviano (California is a “all-party” (or “two party”) consent state, whereas New York is a “one-party” state requiring only one individual to have consented to a recording).

While some have hailed Stiviano as a “hero”, others have questioned whether the real story—aside from the vile commentary unleashed by Sterling—is the nature of private communication in modern life.

NBA great Kareem Abdul-Jabbar even went so far as to say, “Shouldn’t we be equally angered by the fact that his private, intimate conversation was taped and then leaked to the media? Didn’t we just call to task the NSA for intruding into American citizen’s privacy in such an un-American way?”

ESPN columnist Jason Whitlock added:

If TMZ plans to make “pillow talk” public and the standard is set that “pillow talk” is actionable, it won't be long before a parade of athletes joins Sterling on Ignorance Island.

A right to privacy is at the very foundation of American freedoms. It's a core value. It's a mistake to undermine a core value because we don't like the way a billionaire exercises it. What happens when a disgruntled lover gives TMZ a tape of a millionaire athlete expressing a homophobic or anti-Semitic or anti-white perspective?

Lastly, Globe columnist Jeff Jacoby issued a cautionary warning, “[I]t isn’t only other people’s dirty laundry that the whole world can get a good look at. It is yours and mine, too. Once our privacy is gone, don’t count on getting it back.”

So what are we to make of this? At the outset, we need to define whether the decline in privacy is a problem in the first place. Presumably, we believe that a shrinking private sphere will lead to self-censorship and the decline in discourse that may at the time seem abhorrent but later becomes not only accepted, but embraced (countless ideas in history follow this trajectory, from Copernican heliocentrism to marriage equality).

At the same time, each of us as “public citizens” must be prepared to shoulder the consequences of our views. But which views? Perhaps those that we affirmatively choose to share with others. For instance, Brandon Eich contributed to a public campaign and was held to account in the marketplace. Donald Sterling did not make such an affirmative choice, though as most others have noted, given Sterling’s history of behavior, he garners little sympathy.

Beyond whether a communication was intended to be public or private, are there important lines to be drawn between politicians and public figures—who we expect to uphold a certain type of consistency across audiences—and private “everyday” Americans? The law already differentiates between these classes of persons in libel law, where public figures must prove “actual malice” to recover. See Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U.S. 323 (1974).

Of course, this only begs the question of who constitutes a public figure. It’s easy to say that a billionaire NBA owner is a public figure—but what of the small business owner on the corner or the superintendent of a small regional school district?

None of these questions are easy to answer, but the Sterling story should generate conversation about the nature of privacy in the modern age—an issue that we’ve done little to address, other than using technology to provide a quick fix (here’s looking at you, Snapchat).

Furthermore, it acts as a reminder that each of us is aware that people say things they don’t mean (we’ve all done it) and that attaching permanent pariah status on another individual for thoughts shared with intimates behind closed doors is often unfair and short-sighted. A society built on open dialogue and second (and third) chances cannot function if there is no safe space to discuss controversial subjects in a constructive manner (again, Sterling’s do not remotely fit this description, but other controversial comments do).


Now I better log off and put pen to physical paper. After all, privacy isn’t dead yet.

Monday, April 7, 2014

Boycotts: Bravery or Bullying? From Montgomery to Mozilla

“A boycott is, inherently, a blunt instrument. It is an imperfect weapon, a carpet bomb, when all involved would prefer a surgical strike.”

-- Conor Oberst, Singer, 2010

Last week, Brandon Eich resigned as CEO of Mozilla (the company behind the popular web browser Firefox) after a storm of criticism fueled by Eich’s $1000 donation in support of California’s Proposition 8, a ballot measure in 2008 that sought to ban same-sex marriage.

In the days since, an even more interesting debate has emerged about whether the efforts that drove Eich from his position was a great symbol of consumer strength in a democracy, a sure sign that the Republic is doomed, or somewhere in-between.

On the one hand, as New York Times columnist Frank Bruni wrote on Sunday, the very fact that it is becoming unviable for major companies to be led by people opposed to marriage equality is indicative of how “in a great many circles, endorsement of same-sex marriage has rather suddenly become nonnegotiable. Expected. Assumed. Proof of a baseline level of enlightenment and humanity. Akin to the understanding that all people, regardless of race or color, warrant the same rights and respect.”

Andrew Sullivan, the blogger and prominent gay rights supporter, penned a much harsher piece about the tactics that led to Eich’s resignation. “The guy who had the gall to express his First Amendment rights and favor Prop 8 in California by donating $1,000 has just been scalped by some gay activists.” Sullivan went on to note that while Eich was “a victim of the free market in which people can choose to express their opinions by boycotts, free speech and the like” (as opposed to government censorship), the very fact that Eich was forced from office for his political views represented an “ugly intolerance of parts of the gay movement, who have reacted to years of being subjected to social obloquy by returning the favor.”

Controversy about how gay rights supporters should treat gay rights opponents is not new. As I wrote in 2008, following Scott Eckern’s resignation as artistic director of the California Musical Theater after he gave $1000 in support of California’s Proposition 8, it is far from clear that demonizing those we passionately disagree with on one issue, but who we otherwise enjoy so much in common, is the best way to reach our goals over the long-term.

Indeed, while the Civil Rights Movement was frequently fought in state and federal courthouses across America, true, lasting victory was only achieved by taking the fight to the streets, churches, universities, barber shops, lunch counters, and workplaces of America to convince the People of the righteousness of the cause. Popular democracy—not judicial fiat—was essential to solidifying the legacy of the Civil Rights Movement, and the same must be true of the gay rights movement today.

In other words, boycotts—from Montgomery to Mozilla—should be judged by how effective they are in bringing about the underlying change that triggered the boycott in the first place. As English author/artist John Berger declared in his call for a “cultural boycott” of the State of Israel in 2006,

Boycott is not a principle. When it becomes one, it itself risks becoming exclusive and racist. No boycott, in our sense of the term, should be directed against an individual, a people, or a nation as such. A boycott is directed against a policy and the institutions which support that policy either actively or tacitly. Its aim is not to reject, but to bring about change.

Would it have been better to try to convince Brandon Eich of the err of his ways? Probably. But as the quote at the top of this post indicates, the “surgical strike” is not always available to us.

Sure, Rosa Parks could have tried to convince the bus operator of the bigotry inherent in Montgomery’s bus laws. She could have tried to make an appointment with the manager to express her frustration with the apartheid system of Jim Crow. She did neither of those things—not only because they would have been utterly fruitless, but also because the tactic she did choose—civil disobedience followed by an organized boycott—was the best way to bring national attention to the disgrace of segregation.

Parks epic act wasn’t about her commute. It was about every American’s right to be treated equally before the law; just as the uproar over Eich isn’t about him so much as it is about the complete rejection of rank discrimination as a defensible position in American life.

In the end, consumer-oriented efforts to change policies ranging from civil rights to the environment aren’t going anywhere. Just yesterday, the restaurant chain Chili’s cancelled a plan to donate 10 percent of receipts on April 7 to the National Autism Association after outcry about the NAA’s assertion that vaccination may cause/exacerbate autism.

People are free, of course, to agree or disagree with the merits of vaccination (though the scientific evidence linking it to autism is practically non-existent, whereas the very real effects of non-vaccination are well-established), just as they are free to disagree about gay rights.

But if we truly believe that the genius of the First Amendment is to provide shelter for a robust “marketplace of ideas,” it necessarily follows that those ideas will compete and that means some ideas will win, some ideas will lose, and some ideas will be so completely destroyed that those continuing to assert them will face serious consequences.

The fact that taking a stand has consequences—for Rosa Parks (who was on the right side of history), it meant being booked/fingerprinted in Montgomery, for Brandon Eich (who is on the wrong side), it meant losing a job—is not something we should bemoan, but rather something we should celebrate.


After all, in a democracy like ours, the embodiment of courage is when one stands his ground knowing there is something to lose. As Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia wrote in Doe v. Reed, 130 S. Ct. 2811 (2010), “Requiring people to stand up in public for their political acts fosters civic courage, without which democracy is doomed.”