“History will
also give occasion to expatiate on the advantage of civil orders and
constitutions, how men and their properties are protected by joining in
societies and establishing government; their industry encouraged and rewarded,
arts invented, and life made more comfortable: The advantages of liberty,
mischiefs of licentiousness, benefits arising from good laws and a due
execution of justice. Thus may the first
principles of sound politics be fixed in the minds of youth.”
-- Benjamin Franklin, Proposals
Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania, 1749
Last night,
the U.S. Senate passed a $1 trillion, ten-year farm bill by a vote of 68-32.
The bill made for strange bedfellows—with Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), the heir to
the seat once held by the Liberal Lion, Ted Kennedy, joining conservative
Senators like Marco Rubio (R-FL) in voting against the bill, while Barbara
Boxer (D-CA) joined the likes of John Thune (R-SD) in voting for the bill.
One of the
more intriguing splits involved the two Democratic Senators from New York.
Chuck Schumer, the Brooklyn-born senior Senator who still resides in Kings
County, voted yea, while Kirsten Gillibrand, the Albany-born resident of
Brunswick, New York, voted nay. What explains this divergence?
Simply put:
I don’t know. It could be that the two Senators, weighing the balance between
“modest” cuts to the federal Food Stamp program and reform to federal crop
insurance, came to different conclusions about the merits of the bill. That
laughter you hear is from political operatives, who would say, “Get real. This
is about politics, pure and simple.” They’d argue that Gillibrand is an upstate
Senator with possible national political aspirations seeking to boost
favorability with urban audiences and shore up her “left flank,” while
Schumer—safe in his status as one of the Senate’s top Democrats—could “afford”
to join Senator Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) in supporting a large,
bipartisan piece of legislation.
In pondering
this question, I thought of Benjamin Franklin’s commentary on the “First
Principles” of the American body politic and of Alexis de Tocqueville’s belief
that America’s Democracy was grounded in “generative principles.”
If it seems
to you like political leaders in America are often driven my principles far
removed from those espoused by Franklin and Tocqueville, you’d be right.
Indeed, far from summoning the high-minded ideals of popular sovereignty,
equality of rights, and justice, many politicians’ first instinct when
confronted with a problem or an idea is to ask: what’s in this for me? All too often, the first principle—if
one exists at all—is whether an idea makes for good press, regardless of whether it is good policy; whether a problem can be addressed by a solution that
pushes off the day of reckoning until another time.
This state
of affairs should not surprise us—not when so many of our leaders view
political office as an end onto itself rather than a means to an end (i.e.
something to be preserved, rather than used).
We can do
better than that—and it starts by demanding from candidates what their “first
principles” are so that we know precisely what will determine their choice on
the tough votes and how they will approach our nation’s most intractable
problems.
I don’t
think there is any one set of first principles that is inherently right for
every individual. That said, my own philosophy includes the following:
·
The first goal should always be to understand
the scope of the problem presented—often it is more complicated than it appears
at first glance.
·
We should determine whether government
can/should play a role in solving the problem. Over time, government has proven
itself capable of doing some things very well (building collective
infrastructure) and others not so much (acting as a venture capitalist).
·
Assuming that the problem can be solved with some form of government intervention, we should
strongly consider the simplest method that imposes the least onerous
requirement on individual liberty. In other words, the solution should be
narrowly tailored to fit the problem at hand.
·
In balancing the costs and benefits of a
particular policy (or even in identifying the scope of a problem), we must
prioritize the needs of the most vulnerable.
·
We should embrace an “active” government (in
Alexander Hamilton’s parlance) that is willing to experiment with new ideas to
solve old problems.
·
Children deserve special protection. What does
this mean? It means that the community, as parens patriae, has a duty to assist children in achieving an
independence of spirit. This does not mean vast intervention in the parental
realm, but it does mean that we acknowledge that certain behaviors are out of
bounds for parents to impose on their children and that we, collectively, must
intervene in those situations.
·
We should assume that present sacrifice for
future benefit is the appropriate path. The burden of proof should be on those
who would take today and pay tomorrow, not the other way around.
This is just
the start of my list. You may agree or disagree with some/all of these. What’s
most important is we have first principles to guide our decision-making and
that we demand a politics defined by service and sacrifice, not
self-aggrandizement.
No comments:
Post a Comment