“This perennial rebirth, this fluidity of
American life, this expansion westward with its new opportunities, its
continuous touch with the simplicity of primitive society, furnish the forces
dominating American character.”
--Frederick Jackson Turner, “The Significance of the Frontier
in American History,” 1893
This week,
the Census Bureau released a new data tool showing county-by-county migration
data in the U.S. between 2007-2011 (see: http://flowsmapper.geo.census.gov/flowsmapper/map.html).
As the Great Recession took
hold, domestic migration plunged, reaching the lowest level since the
government began tracking it in the 1940s (see chart).
However, as the economy
emerged from recession (and household formation of Millennials followed),
migration has seen a slight bump. Today, in a given year, roughly six percent of the
population aged 1 and older move across county lines or from abroad.
As we are apt to do in this space, let’s take a closer look
at some of the more interesting findings from New York City and the Commonwealth
and one unique idea from the Hamilton Project at the Brookings Institution to
boost opportunity for low-income Americans.
While story of Brooklyn’s boom over the past decade is well
known, the data indicate that within
New York City, the Bronx is the
borough with the greatest positive net migration. Brooklyn was a net loser of population to every borough
other than Manhattan, while the Bronx gained immensely from the other boroughs,
including over 9200 people from Manhattan.
Notably, a
second level analysis of who these
individuals are suggests that the net migration of the Bronx is fueled by
low-income and low-education households (the Bronx is the poorest urban county
in America, with nearly 30 percent of residents living below the poverty
line)—perhaps as the result of those families being pushed out of other boroughs by rising rent and/or the growth of
low-wage jobs in the Bronx.
Nevertheless, the population
resurgence in the Bronx is cause for optimism. As the Times reported, while the total net migration to the Bronx remains
minimal, the borough suffered from annual losses neared 20,000 as recently as
twenty years ago.
In the Commonwealth, the story to note is the continued resonance of the
Route 128 corridor and the strength of the Metro-Boston region’s higher
education institutions in driving highly educated workers to the Bay State. Middlesex
County in particular—home to Harvard and MIT, among others—is among a handful
of areas (Los Angeles, Manhattan, D.C.
and Chicago) that “trade” these highly skilled workers back and forth.
In addition, Suffolk County
(Boston) has seen a surge in individuals with graduate level education. In
fact, for every 100 residents in the county with this level of education, 9.8
of them moved into the county during the previous year ─ among the highest
rates of any large county in the nation (many graduate-level degree holders
also leave Boston every year, but that is largely the result of having
completed their education at BC, BU, Northeastern, etc.).
Some have
expressed concerns about the long-term decline in residential mobility—that it
perpetuates racial segregation, is indicative of a lack of frontier spirit that
drives entrepreneurial economies, or is an unintended byproduct of post-war
efforts at increasing homeownership in America.
There are no
doubt circumstances in which one or more of these concerns are valid. However,
the lack of residential mobility may also be a product of a long-term trend
toward more latticed social networks outside the nuclear family (and the desire
not to leave them behind). It could be the product of an increasingly urbanized
America that is less susceptible to the types of natural shocks—like the Dust
Bowl—that drove thousands from the Plains to the West Coast. Or it could be that
Frederick Jackson Turner was right—albeit 50 years too soon—that once the West
Coast was built up after World War II, there was simply no where else to go.
Enabling
Americans to live the lives they imagine—to pursue happiness in the way that
they see fit—is one of government’s fundamental promises. However, that doesn’t
mean that Americans in the 21st century will want to mimic the
migration patterns of those in the 19th.
While
academics can and should continue to study these trends and their underlying
causes, policymakers need not be concerned about absolute rates of residential
mobility. Rather, the “First Principle” is always to define the problem—are
people who want to move unable to do
so, and why? Are these parts of the country that are in a vicious cycle of
out-migration and economic decline (the answer to which is almost always yes)?
Ensuring
opportunity, rather than stimulating mobility for mobility’s sake, should be
our lodestar. That’s why Jens Ludwig and Steven Raphael’s idea for a ”Mobility
Bank” is worth further study. The Mobility Bank would be a federally funded
program to help low-income
U.S. workers move to take advantage of job opportunities and to ensure that
while Frederick Jackson Turner’s frontier may have closed, the frontier of a
new and better life is still at the heart of the American Experience.
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