“Being in politics is like
being a football coach. You have to be smart enough to understand the game and
dumb enough to think it’s important.”
-- Sen. Eugene
McCarthy, 1967
Last week,
the New York Times and the Boston Globe wrote about the hot-button
issue of religious equality in school holidays. In Massachusetts, the last
state in the Union to dismantle its State-sponsored church (in 1833!), the controversy
is over the decision of 17 school districts to open on Good Friday. In New York
City, the debate
is over whether to add the Muslim holidays of Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha to the calendar of the nation’s largest
school system.
In the Bay State, districts are responding to
demographic shifts, seeking to find a consistent balance in an increasingly
secular world.
In New York, the situation is far more
interesting. In 2009, the City Council (with only one dissenter) approved a
resolution calling on Mayor Michael Bloomberg to add the two holidays to the
school calendar. The dissenter, Councilmember and former Attorney General G.
Oliver Koppell (D-Bronx), worried about the potential for a proliferation of
holidays, inquired, “Where are we going to end with this?” The answer, as it turns out, is
based in no small part on how well different communities are able to organize.
Five
years later, with a Mayor in office who campaigned to add the holidays to the
calendar, what we’ve witnessed is the culmination of efforts to mobilize an
entire population to wield political power—call it a “secular awakening” of
sorts. As the Times wrote, the vigor and organization
of the effort is “a testament to how the city’s Muslim community is gaining a measure of
political confidence.”
The renewed campaign
to get holy days on the school calendar comes on the heels of the launch
of the City’s first Muslim-American Democratic Club, the aptly named Muslim
Democratic Club of New York (MDCNY) in 2013—a club that understands that its mission is to simultaneously inspire and deliver.
As MDCNY
states, its mission is to, “mobilize and empower the
American Muslim community in NYC by nurturing a culture of civic
participation.” That lofty and important aspiration is grounded in a real
politik concern as well. “Our goal in establishing a democratic club is to
increase the number of American Muslim triple prime Democratic voters” (that
is, voters who cast ballots consistently in primary, general, and special
elections).
Other
organizations, from the Arab-American Family
Support Center (founded in 1994), to the Arab American Association of New York (launched in 2001), which
worked with NYU to produce a groundbreaking survey
of Arab Americans in NYC in 2012, community groups serving NYC’s Arab American
community are thriving as the population in the Metro area continues to climb
(hard data is notoriously difficult to come by, but the general
direction is clear).
It goes without saying, of course, that
even within these groups, there is immense diversity. Arab American groups are
made up of members of many of the world’s great faiths and the membership of
Muslim groups is a cross-section of the City in that it is a mixture of
American and foreign-born advocates. In 2009, the Times noted that this very diversity could be an obstacle to
effective political organizing and that the community had, at times, “seen
its social and political ambitions hamstrung by schisms among competing groups.”
That
lesson—of learning to compromise internally
in order to project a unified, forceful position externally—is part of how a community learns to transform its
economic and demographic clout into political power.
The
next step—after celebrating what we hope will be a great victory on school
holidays—is to bring that same political energy and passion to bear on issues
that affect people beyond the community. Indeed, by the 2017
election, my hope as a New Yorker is that the MDCNY and others are getting
calls from candidates and elected officials not only about issues of particular
salience to the Muslim community—like school holidays and surveillance—but on a
whole host issues, from landmarking and tax policy to economic development and
transportation.
It
will be at that moment when the awakening of a community will have become
cemented into the political fabric of the City, never again to be overlooked
and forever more to be valued as a key contributor throughout the five
boroughs.
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